Discriminations

 Sindh and the Creation of Pakistan (1936–1947)

Sindh’s Separate Identity Within British India

  • Sindh was administratively separated from the Bombay Presidency in 1936, giving it its own legislature and political identity.
  • Sindh Assembly was later one of the first provincial legislatures to endorse the Pakistan idea, with Sindhi leaders like G. M. Syed playing a central role.

Sindhi Leaders & the Pakistan Movement

  • G. M. Syed, a major Sindhi political leader, led the Sindh Assembly in supporting the Muslim League’s demand for a separate Muslim state. Sindh passed a resolution in favour of a Muslim homeland that supported the 1940 Lahore Resolution.
  • Syed later became disillusioned, arguing that centralising impulses within Pakistan would marginalize Sindhis. His writings (e.g., Sindh Galhaye Thi, Sindh Case) frame historical events as a betrayal of Sindhi autonomy — emphasizing cultural, political, and economic abandonment by the post-Partition state.

Broad Patterns at Partition

  • After 1947, Sindh received large numbers of migrants (Muhajirs). For several years there was relative coexistence, but later political and ethnic tensions arose between Sindhis and immigrant groups over language, jobs, and political power — laying foundations for future conflict. (Context historians have noted tensions in Sindh post-Partition; accounts vary.)

The One Unit Scheme and Early Grievances (1950s–1969)

One Unit Policy

  • In 1955, Pakistan merged its provinces (including Sindh) into a single unit termed One Unit for West Pakistan.
  • Sindhi nationalist thinkers viewed this as erasing Sindh’s political identity and centralising authority in Punjab and Islamabad. G. M. Syed and allied activists criticised the policy as discriminatory, constraining provincial autonomy and cultural rights. (This is a common theme in Syed’s writings.)

The 1972 Language Bill & Post-One Unit Sindh

Sindhi Language Recognition (1972)

  • The Sindh Assembly passed the Sindhi Language Bill in July 1972, making Sindhi the sole official provincial language.
  • This led to violent clashes between Sindhi and Urdu-speaking groups (particularly in Karachi), resulting in dozens of deaths and widespread unrest.
  • Interpretations differ:
    • Sindhi nationalist narratives view the bill as an assertion of indigenous identity and necessary correction after decades of Urdu/central dominance.
    • Others see the unrest as proof of ethnic tensions within Sindh’s evolving demography.

Ideological Shift of G. M. Syed

  • After Bangladesh’s secession in 1971, Syed argued Sindhis also deserved self-determination, launching the idea of Sindhudesh — an independent Sindhi homeland.
  • He faced state suppression for these views (house arrest until his death).

The 1973 Constitution — Federalism & Grievances

Constitutional Framework

  • The 1973 Constitution established Pakistan as a federal republic with provinces, fundamental rights, and provincial autonomy in certain domains.
  • However, Sindhi nationalists like G. M. Syed and contemporary activists argue that, in practice, centralisation of economic and political power persisted, limiting Sindhi control over resources and governance. This critique is grounded in their writings and political positions.

Political Dissent

  • Sindhi intellectuals and activists (e.g., Rasul Bux Palijo) criticised the constitution’s implementation as favouring centralized power and patronage politics, sometimes leading to imprisonment under laws like the Defense of Pakistan Rules.
  • Sindhi-nationalist student organizations such as the Jeay Sindh Students’ Federation trace their activism to resistance against One Unit and advocacy for Sindhi rights thereafter.

Post-1973 to Present: Fields of Discrimination and Debate

The debate over Sindh’s treatment since 1973 spans several socio-political and economic fields:

A. Political Representation and Federal Power

Perceptions of Marginalization

  • Sindhi nationalists argue that federal policies often favour other regions; political power remains concentrated in Islamabad and provinces with larger populations (Punjab). G. M. Syed’s argument echoed that Sindh’s distinct identity and autonomy were sidelined after supporting Pakistan’s creation.

Sindhudesh Demand

  • Groups like Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM) continue to press for international recognition of Sindhudesh, citing alleged political repression and systemic exclusion. A 2025 appeal to the UN reflects this ongoing movement.

B. Language, Culture & Identity

Sindhi Language

  • Sindhi has official provincial status, yet there are complaints that Urdu and English dominate higher education, administration, and media, limiting Sindhi language’s functional use.
  • The 1972 language violence showed the deep sensitivities around language and identity.

C. Economic Grievances

Resource Allocation and Water Issues

  • Analysts and local media have highlighted disputes over water rights, especially disputes over Indus River water sharing and newer canal projects perceived as harmful to Sindh’s agricultural base. Federal-provincial tensions over water allocations are often cited as ongoing discrimination.

Revenue vs Spend

  • Some Sindhi activists claim Sindh contributes disproportionately to Pakistan’s economy (through Karachi’s revenue and ports) yet receives less reinvestment locally — a frequent nationalist talking point though contested in mainstream sources.

D. Ethnic & Social Tensions

Urban Ethnic Politics

  • Karachi and other Sindh cities have experienced ethnic politics — tensions between Sindhi, Urdu-speaking (Muhajir), and other groups — which some interpret as structural inequalities in opportunities, policing, and representation. (Multiple socio-linguistic analyses point to complex dynamics; this includes debates about discrimination in job access etc.)

E. Human Rights and Social Disparities

Minority and Gender Issues

  • Beyond Sindhi ethnicity, general discrimination issues in Sindh include gender biases, violence against women, and marginalization of transgender and religious minorities — challenges reflective of broader Pakistani society but often intensified locally.

Transgender Violence

  • In late 2025, shootings of transgender women in Karachi shocked rights activists, with provincial leaders condemning violence — illustrating ongoing societal and legal gaps in protection and equality.

 Summary — Continuities & Debate

Period

Primary Discriminatory Issues / Grievances

1947 Creation of Pakistan

Debate whether Sindhi autonomy was subsumed into a centralised state; later nationalist critique.

One Unit

Viewed by Sindhi activists as erasing provincial identity.

1972 Language Bill

Cultural assertion versus ethnic riots; long-term tension over identity.

1973 Constitution

Federalism vs centralized power — Sindhi nationalist critique of limited autonomy.

Today

Debates over resources, identity, political representation, language use, and socio-economic development; ongoing protests (e.g., water/canal issues).

 

 

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